There is growing evidence that suggests that displaying emotion as a woman in the workplace is frowned upon and these women could face some form of punishment (Beeson & Valerio, 2012; Brescoll, 2016; Kelly & Hutson-Comeau, 2000; Warner & Shields, 2007). For example, studies show that women prefer to manage the need to express their true felt emotions out of fear of receiving backlash (Brescoll, 2011; Heilman, 2001). The ‘management of feeling to create a publicly observable facial and bodily display’ is referred to as emotional labour (Hochschild, 1983, p. 7). Previous research seems to suggest that women leaders are expected to engage in emotional labour more than their male counterparts (El-Alayli et al., 2018). Research also suggests that emotional labour is predominately performed by women in leadership roles (Vial & Cowgill, 2022). This is concerning considering that increased levels of emotional labour result in emotional exhaustion (Chen et al., 2023), and decreased work engagement (Yoo & Jeong, 2017) and task performance (Zhao et al., 2020).

The emotions considered appropriate for women to display at work are typically determined by gender stereotypes of women (Eagly & Karau, 2002). Gender stereotypes tend to be more prevalent because traditionally, women were viewed as being responsible for caring for the home and the children. In general, stereotypes of women portray them as sensitive, nurturing and caring (Muller, 2019). Research on gender stereotypes indicates that the representation of women in leadership positions is stronger in contexts of care-giving such as healthcare and early education. Here communal and nurturing attributes are typical of a leader (Brescoll, 2016; Vial & Cowgill, 2022). Suggesting that for women to succeed in their professional careers as leaders, they may need to conform to the stereotyped male attributes.

In the professional context, women in leadership roles are thought to have less leadership potential if they adhere to the traditional gender roles ascribed to women. For example, in a study conducted by Schein (1975), 167 female managers from various insurance companies across the United States were requested to describe women, men and successful middle managers. The findings revealed that the female participants associated being a successful manager with characteristics they ascribed to being male such as being competitive, ambitious and aggressive. The South African study by Pillay et al. (2019) reported that women leaders struggle to express their genuinely felt emotions due to the perceived lack of organisational support. Also, these women leaders choose to fake their emotions due to external pressures and expectations others have of them in their capacity as leaders. For women to succeed in their professional careers as leaders, they may need to conform to the stereotyped male attributes.

In conforming to the stereotyped male attributes, women run the risk of being criticised for adopting the mannerisms traditionally ascribed to men (Brescoll & Uhlmann, 2008; Smith et al., 2015). For example, Brescoll and Uhlmann (2008) showed that compared to men who displayed anger at work, women who expressed anger at work were conferred lower status and were less likely to be hired. Suggesting that the action of women displaying emotions in the workplace is not revered either.

A study by Timmers and colleagues (2003) revealed that participants were of the view that when expressing emotions at work, women would be more dysfunctional than males and the participants of the study were in support of statements such as ‘When women become emotional easily, they are not suitable for management positions’, and ‘Emotional women are not functional in industrial life’. In fact, the slightest display of emotion by women is often regarded as women having little to no control over themselves (Hendriks et al., 2008).

To the best of our knowledge, few studies have investigated the specific workplace situations that give rise to specific emotional labour experiences. For example, Ngcobo et al. (2022) investigated the extent to which emotional labour influences the sales staff’s ability to execute work tasks at the Greyville Racecourse in Durban, South Africa. Pienaar (2019) investigated the emotional labour strategies used by support staff across support departments in South African organisations. In contrast, Pillay et al. (2019) enquired about the emotional labour experiences among white women leaders in consulting organisations across South Africa, thus beyond the ethnic group from which the sample was derived, no inferences can be made regarding the generalisability of the study’s findings.

Learning about the situations that give rise to the experience of emotional labour among women in leadership roles would provide meaningful insights into solutions that organisations could explore that would be helpful in the effective management of emotional expressions at work by women in leadership roles. Therefore, it is imperative that this be further explored. To this end, the objectives of the study were to develop an understanding and appreciation of the work-related situations that give rise to the experience of emotional labour of women in leadership roles and to explore their experiences of emotional labour. Based on the above, the current study sought to have the following questions answered:

The thematic analysis yielded five themes: (1) leading through emotions, (2) suppressing emotions to get work done, (3) demonstrating emotional intelligence, (4) avoiding emotional stereotyping and (5) navigating the work-home emotional spillover.

The purpose of the current study was to identify the situations in the workplace that give rise to the experience of emotional labour among women in leadership roles within the South African context. It also drew attention to how these women experience emotional labour at work. Five themes emerged from the data, namely, leading through emotions, suppressing emotions to get work done, demonstrating emotional intelligence, avoiding emotional stereotyping and work-home emotional spillover. A detailed discussion of each theme is presented as follows.

The research participants alluded to the necessity of leading through emotions. Leading through emotions refers to the ability of a leader to use his or her emotions to lead more authentically and effectively (Humphrey, 2012). Managing one’s emotions is crucial for the participants. For the participants, reacting logically rather than emotionally in situations that can cause them to feel negative is essential. This may be because the participants believe that, to be an effective leader, one may need to regulate her emotions. Previous studies support this by suggesting that a leader’s capacity to control emotions indicates leadership competence (Day, 2000; Duan et al., 2022). Alternatively, the participants may choose to regulate their emotions out of fear of being scrutinised for showing emotions (Smith et al., 2016).

For the participants, it is also important for their subordinates to perceive them as trustworthy. The participants expressed that they establish trust through open communication with their subordinates, being collaborative, understanding, nurturing and motherly. Showing compassion and support towards subordinates are typical traits of leaders who are women (Eagly, 2005). Humphrey (2012) explained that leaders lead with a specific set of behaviours that assist them to establish authentic relationships with their subordinates. The same can be said about South African women who are leaders in their respective workplaces. These women do so by encouraging open communication, collaboration and creating a conducive learning environment for their subordinates (Van Wyk, 2012).

According to the research participants, they must suppress their emotions at work to get work done. The findings show that the participants believe their employment organisation expects them to fulfil their work responsibilities, regardless of their feelings. Previous research found similar results and suggested that women in leadership must remain impartial and emotionless to achieve deliverables (Choi et al., 2014; Cropanzano et al., 2004; Diefendorff & Croyle, 2008). Therefore, despite difficulties experienced at work, women in leadership positions are expected to display emotions that will inspire their followers to meet the organisation’s goals (Choi et al., 2014). This may be due to the responsibility placed on leaders to manage their teams’ performance (Pillay et al., 2019) and to create a conducive work environment for their subordinates (Diefendorff & Gosserand, 2003). Similarly, in Korea, women are subjected to emotion display rules, that is, an expectation for them to conceal their emotions (Chun et al., 2020).

As expressed by some of the participants, it is important for woman leaders to know when to react in a situation and to control their emotions when it was not conducive to express them. However, as research has found repeatedly, women tend to have a higher level of emotion expression (Kitsios et al., 2022). The challenge arises when leaders do not have the necessary degree of emotional intelligence maturity, enabling them to be socially aware and recognise how to behave (Karimi et al., 2014; Humphrey et al., 2008). When leaders do not possess a strong emotional intelligence, self-regulation does not occur naturally; instead, they have to pretend or mask their felt emotions (Humphrey et al., 2008; Karimi et al., 2014). Emotional intelligence may assist in regulating their emotions at work (John & Gross, 2007); however, when this is not possible, women in leadership positions have to pretend (Humphrey et al., 2008). Beal and Trougakos (2013) warn that this process of changing or hiding emotions may decrease subsequent energy and effortful activities. Not expressing certain emotions causes a disconnect between inner experience and outer expression, which may have a negative effect on self-esteem and social isolation (John & Gross, 2007).

According to the literature, leaders may need to display the appropriate behaviour to maintain a productive work environment (Diefendorff & Croyle, 2008). Sometimes, they must express emotions opposite to what they feel, such as not expressing their frustration with employees and maintaining their composure (Yang & Guy, 2015). The literature supports the study’s findings on emotional intelligence and how women in leadership positions employ emotional intelligence to seem composed at work to ultimately maintain a productive work environment (Diefendorff & Croyle, 2008; Humphrey et al., 2008; Yang & Guy, 2015). However, the degree of emotional intelligence varies among women. Therefore, their experiences and level of emotional labour may differ as well (Humphrey et al., 2008).

From the findings, women in leadership actively choose which emotions to display at work because they understand it is up to them to set the tone for productivity. Furthermore, the extent of the emotional regulation of individuals depends on the interpretation of their current situation (Arciero et al., 2003). This theme agrees with the existing literature that women in leadership use emotional intelligence to regulate certain emotions at work to seem composed and control themselves and their situation (Berkovich & Eyal, 2015; Humphrey et al., 2008). Emotional intelligence allows women in leadership to decide what emotions are appropriate to display in a situation; when this is not possible, it gives rise to emotional labour (Humphrey et al., 2008).

The participants of the study reported that they intentionally avoid expressing emotion in the workplace. This is done out of fear of possible negative interpretations of their emotionally expressive behaviours. For some women, this is the harsh truth. For example, Sczesny et al. (2004) and Heilman (2012) reported similar findings that women occupying leadership roles purposefully suppress their emotions at work out of concern of being stereotyped. According to Smith et al. (2016), women in leadership face harsh penalties for displaying emotions at work more than women in non-leadership positions. Marshburn et al. (2020) revealed that women had been evaluated as unlikeable due to violating normative gender prescriptions, such as expressing anger at work. At the same time, Heilman and Okimoto (2007) reported that when women fail to exhibit gender-expectable behaviours like sensitivity or care towards co-workers, such as these, women are assessed unfavourably as managers and are perceived as aggressive.

This finding of the current study implies that the participants believe that there are gendered emotional stereotypes at work, for example, being thought of as overly emotional (Dolan, 2014; Shields, 2013). It also suggests that the participants are of the view that such stereotypes may influence people’s perceptions of their ability to lead. In the past, women in leadership positions have been evaluated negatively for expressing emotions and were considered irrational (Citrin et al., 2004). In fact, it has been reported that the preferred way is for leaders to suppress their emotions at work, to avoid being perceived as having the inability to make rational decisions as leaders (Uhlmann et al., 2013). Suggesting that for the participants, their place of employment may have an influence on the self-regulation of one’s own emotions and the kind of emotions expressed.

To prevent the potential transfer of negative emotions from work to the home domain, employees perform emotional labour at home. Similarly, Sanz-Vergel et al. (2012) found that daily surface acting performed by Spanish dual-earner couples spills over into the home environment. Within the context of this study, the participants performed emotional labour by suppressing unfavourable feelings experienced about the workplace, from their families. According to the participants, taking out your frustrations on your family is unfair. It is conceivable that employees attempt to determine the underlying source causing the negatively felt emotions. Should it be that their families are not the source of any negative emotion triggered by the workplace, the participants may choose to modify any observable evidence of unpleasant emotions. This is aligned to the antecedent-focused emotion regulation strategy (Gross, 1998, 2014). It may also be that employees conceal genuine emotions to conform to family expectations.

In the present research, it was also found that some participants experienced a negative spillover of emotions from work into the home domain. This is consistent with earlier research by Chapman (2018) who explained that for some employees, it is challenging to keep their emotions about the workplace separate from their personal lives. It may be plausible that the performance of emotional labour at work causes employees to feel drained, thus further causing them to feel that they no longer have the capacity to control and suppress their genuinely felt emotions in the presence of their homes. This is aligned to the response-focused emotion regulation strategy (Gross, 1998, 2014).

This study adds to the literature on situations that give rise to experiences of emotional labour for women in leadership positions in the South African context and has important implications for organisations and women in leadership. It is important to note that although emotional labour may be a performance, sometimes employees can partake in genuine, unforced, spontaneous emotional interactions with their colleagues. This includes interaction between women leaders and their employees and fellow leaders. These engagements are important for building relations (Diefendorff et al., 2005).

Women in leadership positions must intentionally disengage and switch off when leaving work (physical or work from home) to avoid negative spillover. Some strategies to do this include practising mindfulness. Mindfulness has been linked to reduced levels of emotional exhaustion (Hülsheger et al., 2013; Sekaja, 2021), thereby prioritising work so that all the critical to-do items are done and using their position power to delegate accordingly and relaxing and exercising to counteract the effects of stress (Farrell, 2017; Manomenidis et al., 2016).

Given that much of the emotional labour took place as a result of interactions, industrial psychologists should create a culture where open conversations are encouraged and are a norm as a way for employees to engage constructively. Organisations can assist their employees by encouraging them to attend emotional intelligence training, enabling them to develop further their emotional intelligence, which is indicated to improve how emotional labour is experienced and performed (Durán et al., 2004). Similarly, these conversations and training will act to reduce the conflict that elicits emotional labour by learning what respectful communication, treating others with respect, considering the viewpoints of others and vocalising own divergent perspectives all look like (Lewitter et al., 2019).

All the interviews took place during the height of the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic and the associated lockdowns. The emotional labour experiences that the participants recalled in the interviews may have been influenced by the pandemic given that the COVID-19 negatively impacted people’s emotions (Sun et al., 2020), but the researchers did not have a way of determining whether the performance of emotional labour was in any way related to the pandemic. Perhaps emotional labour would look different now that the world has settled into a new normal.

Emotional labour is a day-to-day experience. The method of a single cross-sectional interview misses the opportunity to capture all experiences and performances of emotional labour. In this case, a longitudinal method such as a 2-week diary study (cf. Fetvadjiev et al., 2018; McGowan & Sekaja, 2022) would enhance the quality of the data.

While it is noted that emotion expression is encouraged in contexts of nurturing work, women should be encouraged to be authentic in all situations. There should be organisational support for use of strengths (see Meyers et al., 2019), which, in this case, is their ability to be nurturing. This involves removing any stigmas associated with gendered emotional intelligence.

Future research should also explore the effects of emotional labour on imposter thoughts among racially minoritised women in leadership roles. It may be that women in leadership roles who are members of a racial minority group perform emotional labour. This may cause them to feel like an imposter as a function of their underrepresentation in the workplace, specifically in leadership roles. Early research revealed that imposter syndrome is common among women in leadership roles (Clance & O’Toole, 1987). Within the South African context, it is unclear if and to what extent surface and deep acting cause women in leadership roles who belong to racially minority groups to experience imposter thoughts due to their lack of representation in leadership roles in the workplace.

This study set out to understand the work-related situations that give rise to the experience of emotional labour of women in leadership roles and to explore their experiences of emotional labour. The findings highlighted that participants lead through emotions, suppress emotions to get work done, demonstrate emotional intelligence, avoid emotional stereotypes and navigate work-home emotional spillover.