Although interpretations of decent work differ, Ferraro et al. (2016) characterise it as a government-led initiative aimed at enhancing economic growth and labour markets. Conversely, Frey and MacNaughton (2016) describe it as a rights-based responsibility of employers to safeguard employee well-being and to mitigate unemployment and poverty. The ILO (2020) proposed that decent work encompasses fair compensation, safe working conditions, social dialogue, and equal, respectful treatment of all employees. Similarly, Piasna et al. (2020) emphasise that decent work includes safety, rest, alignment of values, healthcare, and adequate remuneration.

Ludwig and Webster (2020) emphasise that the meaning of decent work should be interpreted within national contexts, particularly considering the economic and historical realities of each country. In South Africa, a developing nation shaped by colonialism and apartheid, decent work is understood as:

Domestic workers in South Africa occupy a unique and historically burdened space within the country’s labour landscape (Mdladlana, 2001). Based on colonial and apartheid social hierarchies, domestic work has historically been characterised by race-based and gendered servitude, where black African females were relegated to low-status, low-paid and unregulated forms of work in private households (Cock, 1980). The spatial structuring of South African homes even reflected wider systems of exclusion, slotting domestic workers into the interstices of both labour legislation and social protection (Nolde, 1991). Despite the post-1994 democratic dispensation, the environment of domestic work has not changed significantly since the apartheid era, as it continues to be influenced by power asymmetries, with little room for occupational advancement (Akala, 2018). The deeply interpersonal and hidden nature of domestic work often places workers outside the gaze of formal labour monitoring and enforcement of regulatory policies and legislation (Rustin, 2021). Furthermore, low wages, poor working environments and conditions, long hours, and the burden of both emotional and physical labour often go unacknowledged and inadequately compensated. This has exacerbated the negative work experience in domestic work in South Africa (Bosmans et al., 2016).

As such, the situation of domestic workers cannot be understood merely as that of individuals who cook, clean, care for children or the elderly, or do laundry for a specified compensation, whether weekly or monthly (Torre et al., 2014). It is essential to consider the working conditions that often fall short of the standards of decent work as defined by the principles of decent work (Banyane, 2021). Domestic work plays a significant economic, social, and political role within the informal labour sector, particularly concerning race, gender, and class inequalities (Raziq & Maulabakhsh, 2015). Understanding this context requires investigations that extend beyond purely economic measures and are grounded in qualitative methodological approaches to comprehend how domestic workers define and experience decent work (Duffy et al., 2021). This study addresses the gap in the current body of knowledge by exploring the multifaceted nature of decent work for domestic workers, moving beyond purely economic measures to incorporate their perspectives and experiences. This necessitates a qualitative approach to understand how domestic workers perceive and navigate the challenges and opportunities within their work.

Domestic work in South Africa continues to be the primary source of income for the informal labour sector and economy, especially for females. During the third quarter of 2024, it was estimated that there were at least 854 000 females employed in the domestic work sector (Stats SA, 2024). Banyane (2021) emphasises that females have historically performed work, which has consistently been the lowest-paid, essentially least-skilled occupation worldwide. Consequently, it has been primarily females who have found their place in the ‘domestic labour market’. Nolde (1991) reported that in the 1990s, almost 50% of South African females were employed as domestic workers, which illustrated both the economic need and the lack of employment opportunities, especially under the previous apartheid government. In the current post-apartheid era, domestic workers continue to serve as a vital, albeit undervalued, support system for maintaining households and contributing to the wider economy, despite continued difficulties in terms of recognition, rights, and representation (Tshabalala, 2015).

This framework aimed to make vocational studies inclusive of the working class, without marginalising individuals from low socio-economic statuses (Blustein, 2001). The psychology of work theory focuses on an inclusive approach which ensures that individuals who are usually discriminated against, marginalised or indifferent are not excluded from research in vocational settings (Kim et al., 2020). This theory focuses on how marginalisation and economic differences impact the achievement of decent work for all employees, in this case, domestic workers (Douglass et al., 2017). This theory considers individuals from different economic, social and cultural backgrounds (Duffy et al., 2017). These factors help explain why employees remain in their field of work despite the challenges they may encounter (Blustein et al., 2016). For domestic workers, these roles entail precarious work, unsafe working conditions, inadequate compensation, and limited social benefits (Rustin, 2021). Domestic workers often express a sense of duty to provide for their family members, even when their working conditions are exploitative (Bosmans et al., 2016). These decisions and factors are not solely economic; they are also deeply shaped by cultural expectations and family responsibilities (Bettonville, 2015). These choices reflect how individuals from marginalised backgrounds negotiate meaning, survival, and dignity in their work, even if the role does not meet conventional standards of decent work conditions (Duffy et al., 2017).

This theory also positions decent work as an integral component in understanding the needs of the domestic workers, which are necessary for their well-being (Bettonville, 2015). Psychology of working theory (PWT) is used in this study to understand the experiences of decent work for domestic workers who are from a marginalised and low socio-economic sector (Douglass et al., 2017). As this theory includes individuals from diverse backgrounds, using this theory could assist in identifying decent work that fulfils domestic workers’ human rights and basic needs, which may lead to their overall well-being (Duffy et al., 2016).

Within the PWT framework, decent work is a psychological outcome that fulfils core human needs for survival, social connection, and self-determination (Blustein et al., 2023). This theoretical relationship highlights the critical role of work in promoting not only economic stability but also psychological health and personal development, particularly for those facing structural barriers of employment (Duffy et al., 2017)

The research was conducted in Johannesburg, Gauteng province. A non-random sampling method was employed, combining purposive and snowball sampling. To qualify for inclusion, domestic workers needed to be English-speaking and have at least 2 years of experience in their roles. This 2-year experience allowed them to reflect on their work. The study included a total of 11 participants, even though data saturation was achieved with the sixth participant. Continuing beyond data saturation helps maintain quality and rigour in qualitative research (Fusch & Ness, 2015). Table 1 presents the biographies of the 11 domestic workers.

For qualitative data processing and analysis, this study used a phenomenological thematic analysis approach. This method is characterised by a systematic, multi-stage process designed to identify recurring themes within the data (Rahi, 2017). The core objective of this approach is to understand the lived experiences of decent work. A key feature of this methodology is the deliberate effort to bracket or set aside the researcher’s pre-existing assumptions and biases (Elo et al., 2014). This bracketing process is crucial to ensure that the analysis focuses on the participants’ perspectives and captures the essence of their experiences as accurately as possible. The goal is to provide a rich, nuanced understanding of the phenomenon under investigation as experienced by the individuals involved. A mind-mapping technique was employed to organise data and align it with the theoretical framework through the process of imaginative variation (Ed. Giorgi, 1985).

A set of open-ended and semi-structured questions was used to obtain data from the participants. Additional probing questions were posed to gain more insights (Appendix 1). The researcher took field notes during the interviews, which were also recorded to ensure that all information was captured accurately. The interviews were audio-recorded on a device protected by the researcher’s biometric credentials, ensuring that only the researcher had access to the data. This method preserved data confidentiality and facilitated continuous playback during analysis, allowing for a more profound understanding of the participants’ experiences.

The recordings were transcribed using Microsoft Word on a password-protected laptop accessible solely to the researcher. Each interview was reviewed multiple times to ensure transcription accuracy and to preserve the integrity of participants’ responses. The language barrier and the fact that domestic workers’ first language is not English may have limited the depth of their answers. This was, however, expected as answers were short due to the participant’s primary language not being English, which makes it challenging to provide lengthy, in-depth answers. To address this challenge, the researcher conducted manual coding to ensure careful interpretation and contextual understanding of the domestic workers’ responses, thereby capturing meaning beyond literal wording and enhancing analytical depth (Squires et al., 2019).

For the study to be considered valid and reliable, ethical clearance was obtained. Adhering to ethical guidelines, all participants’ information was kept private and confidential (Van Zyl, 2014). This is necessary for qualitative research as it is often believed that this type of research can be highly subjective which decreases the validity and reliability of the study. For this research, ‘transferability, credibility, dependability, and confirmability’ were used to maintain the validity and reliability of the study (Patnaik & Pandey, 2019).

The transferability of a study refers to the extent to which the findings can be applied or generalised to other contexts, settings, or populations. It is a crucial aspect of research, particularly in qualitative studies, as it helps determine the broader relevance and applicability of the research. Demonstrating transferability involves providing sufficient information about the study’s context, participants, and methods to enable others to assess the potential for applying the findings to their own situations. The credibility of the study is achieved by using appropriate research methods relating to qualitative research. Building on credibility, participants were made aware that their participation in the study was completely voluntary and that they could withdraw at any time since they were not coerced into participation (Forero et al., 2018). Measures were taken to ensure that the findings of the study accurately reflected the participants’ experiences of decent work. A pilot study was initially conducted to determine whether the questionnaire elicited the required data, and was also included as part of the data set. All interviews were audio-recorded with the written informed consent of each participant, thereafter the interviews were transcribed verbatim. Recording and transcribing the interviews create caution in data analysis and reduce the risk of reliance on memory or selective interpretation.

Transcripts were reviewed multiple times to ensure data familiarity and to ensure that the interpretations were solely based on the participants’ own responses. Recurring themes were compared with the raw transcripts to ensure consistency and alignment with the domestic workers’ own words, maintaining their originality.

To strengthen credibility, triangulation was also utilised. Data was compared across responses to identify emerging themes and convergence points. When repetitive themes occurred, they were considered to be more methodically sound. Where discrepancies were found, they were further investigated to ensure that the analysis reflected the complexity of the participants’ views and perspectives.

Given that the participants’ first language was not English, careful consideration was given to transcription and analysis to safeguard the intended meaning of participants’ responses. During interviews where necessary, clarification was sought to minimise language-related misunderstandings. The identified themes were also corroborated by two academics with backgrounds in methodological and research expertise.

To confirm the dependability of the study, the research process was documented from beginning to end, this was done so that other researchers can understand the steps taken for the purposes of replication. The thematic data analysis approach by Braun and Clarke (2006) was utilised. After transcription, each interview was read to regain an overall understanding of the participants’ perspectives. Original codes were created directly from the raw data by identifying units that were meaningful and related to the research questions. Thereafter, coding was conducted consistently from every transcript, where similar sentiments were assigned the same codes. As the thematic analysis progressed, codes were revisited, revised, compared, and grouped into broader categories based on their similarities. These categories were classified into themes that captured recurring patterns across all transcripts. Emerging themes were constantly checked against the transcripts to ensure they remained grounded in the participants’ original data. An audit trail was used to document all processes and decisions, as well as themes and adjustments made during the process. Documenting the entire process provides transparency into how conclusions were reached and helps ensure the consistency of the analytical process. This also allows for the research process to be traced and understood by other researchers.

Confirmability held the researcher accountable for taking an objective stance in the research, interviewing with an open, curious mind, and leaving any prejudices and biases outside the study (Forero et al., 2018).

Ethical considerations are a cornerstone in any research study that involves human participants, and this is done for their protection (Ketefian, 2015). The researchers first obtained ethical clearance to conduct this study from the University of Johannesburg Department of Industrial Psychology and People Management Research Ethics Committee (No. IPPM-2022-625[M]), before commencing with data collection.

The researcher then ensured that informed consent forms were read and signed by each participant. It was made clear that participation was completely voluntary and that responses would remain confidential. The participants were given the South African Depression and Anxiety Group (SADAG) number, and a psychologist was on standby; however, no instances of negative emotions or experiences arising from the interviews were documented.

According to legislation, Basic Conditions of Employment Act 75 of 1997, domestic workers have access to 6 weeks of paid sick leave in 36 months (Republic of South Africa, 1997):

Based on the above, domestic workers were allowed to recover and take time off until they were well enough to return to work. Domestic workers are, however, required to pay their own doctor’s fees or access free healthcare via government clinics, and some are required to present a doctor’s note when absent.

A safe work environment motivates employees to perform better, improves productivity, and minimises the risk of employee turnover based on their experiences. Interviewed participants stated that their work environment is safe and that they enjoy their work:

Apart from feeling physically and psychologically safe in their work environments, domestic workers also understood mutual understanding to be a form of safety. This is especially true since misunderstanding may lead to miscommunication and result in verbal abuse or challenges between the employer and the domestic worker.

The 11 domestic workers felt safe in their work environment and reported that their employers do not fight with them, either physically or verbally. The domestic workers also understood mutual respect to be a form of a safe environment because respecting one another ensures verbal safety.

Every employee in South Africa has the right to join a union, as trade unions help ensure equal rights and pay for workers.

Nine of the participants indicated that they are not part of a union because they feel like they do not need to:

While participant J explained why she is not part of a union, the other domestic workers merely said ‘No’. It appears that some domestic workers are not aware of the social protection afforded to them, such as the South African domestic service and allied workers union (SADSAWU) and UIF.

Domestic workers are increasingly marginalised in terms of decent work, often receiving wages below the minimum wage without having legal protection (ILO, 2020). In this study, while some domestic workers expressed satisfaction with their pay, several participants reported earnings below the minimum wage of R28.79 per hour, as stipulated for domestic workers (Truter, 2025). Reported earnings included R2400.00 per month, R2000.00 per month, or R100.00 per day, showing that compensation falls significantly short of the monthly minimum wage of R3710.00 (Stats SA, 2021). This inadequate compensation negatively affected participants’ perceptions of decent work, as highlighted by Tanzer (2013), who emphasised the importance of fair pay in shaping workers’ dignity and well-being. Interestingly, unlike the findings of Tshabalala and Van der Heever (2015), who noted that domestic workers feared losing income or employment due to absence, most participants in this study indicated that their pay was not deducted when they missed work. This suggests a slight shift in employer practices, though not yet widespread or sufficient to ensure comprehensive adherence to labour protection measures.

Gobind et al. (2012) highlight that domestic workers are typically compensated based on the number of hours they work per week, and in most cases, absence from work results in a loss of income. Similarly, Thobojane and Khoza (2019) found that low wages contribute to significant stress and insecurity among domestic workers, who fear not being able to support their families; this is a concern that negatively affects their mental health. In contrast, the findings of this study reveal a more supportive trend, with several domestic workers reporting that they continued to receive their wages even when being absent due to illness. Participants described how their employers permitted them to take paid sick leave, with some even covering the cost of medical treatment or providing medication. Others accessed care through public clinics and returned to work upon recovery. Although this reflects an encouraging departure from prior research, participants still expressed a desire for employers to compensate them for healthcare expenses when treatment is sought outside of free clinics. These findings suggest a partial improvement in employer practices, yet also point to ongoing gaps in comprehensive support for domestic workers’ health and well-being.

Triandafyllidou (2013) explains that when domestic workers live on their employer’s premises, they are expected to sacrifice their family life to take care of their employer’s family. If domestic workers stay at their employer’s residence, this also suggests extended working hours beyond the minimum weekly hours. Their work hours increase as they work until late in the evening, early mornings, and even on weekends. Schumann and Paul (2019) explained that in instances when domestic workers have a rest day, they choose to work to receive additional income.

Thobejane and Khoza (2019) report that domestic workers in South Africa are often given only one day of rest per week. Some participants’ views agree with these challenges, as the findings of this study show that a few domestic workers face challenges in balancing their work and family life because they are not given much time off for rest or leave. One participant does not receive public holidays off and works from Sunday to Sunday, often exceeding the stipulated working hours for domestic workers. However, she felt that she was sufficiently compensated for the amount of work she does.

In South Africa, the stipulated working time for a domestic worker is 45 h per week if they work from Monday to Saturday, with Sunday constituting a rest day (Republic of South Africa, 1997). Maqubela’s (2016) research supports this assertion and elaborates on how domestic workers are denied adequate rest and family time, frequently compromising their social lives due to their long working hours. Tremblay and Ilama (2015) further corroborated this assertion, indicating that domestic workers do not receive any support from their employers to help manage their work–life balance. Although this situation applies to some workers, there are others who receive rest time in June and December, and some who are granted leave during every school holiday when their employer’s children are not at school. Additionally, one domestic worker has every other week off, but receives minimal compensation for this arrangement. Some participants expressed that they maintain a balanced life–work equilibrium, as they are able to spend time with their families in the evenings, on weekends, and during holidays.

Working in the low-income informal sector may cause excessive mental and physical stress to individuals (Mukherjee et al., 2019). Domestic workers may experience occupational stress and illness due to their job demands, as well as being providers for their families (Thobojane & Khoza, 2019). In this study, employees were allowed to visit the doctor when they were sick, without money being deducted from their salaries. Domestic workers were also allowed to return to work after 4 months of maternity leave, while being paid for the time they were away. Two domestic workers were not paid for their maternity leave, but their jobs were still available after their leave.

This is in contrast to the study conducted by Kühhirt and Ludwig (2012), in which the participants lost their jobs after going on maternity leave. Another study conducted on domestic workers’ healthcare shows that most domestic workers have no access to healthcare, healthcare benefits, or maternity leave (Bardhan et al., 2021). The results of this study differ from the views of Mukherjee et al. (2019), who mentioned that domestic workers are exposed to high levels of occupational stress, which can lead to serious health impacts, both physical and mental.

The results were dissimilar to the views of Okechukwu et al. (2013), who mentioned that occupational disparities such as harassment, discrimination, and inadequate working conditions affect domestic workers’ physical and psychological health, as well as their general well-being. In this study, the domestic workers experienced overall well-being and were not exposed to high levels of stress that required medical attention or impacted them mentally or physically.

A strong emphasis has been placed on the importance of a safe and healthy working environment for employees (Blustein et al., 2016). Employees who are provided with safe working conditions meet part of the requirement in attaining decent work (Duffy et al., 2017). The domestic workers experienced overall satisfactory working conditions and appeared satisfied with their employers. Blackett (2012) mentioned that domestic workers are often underappreciated, and may be taken advantage of, and they lack decent working conditions. However, from the findings of this study, it is evident that this is not the case for all the domestic workers.

Smit and Mpedi (2011) showed that there was previously a shift from seeing domestic workers as part of the family to treating them as ‘just another worker’. The findings of this study demonstrate that domestic workers are treated as part of the family they work for and are provided with a safe working environment. This suggests that there were fewer power struggles in the employer–employee relationship (Jureidini, 2011), as mutual respect appears to exist between the two. This diminishes the idea of domestic workers being in constant fear of termination due to past power struggles they faced. Additionally, there is a noticeable decline in the number of domestic workers residing with their employers since the apartheid period, when such arrangements were common, primarily to ensure they were treated as subordinates (Blackett, 2012). Consequently, this relationship can now thrive healthily, as fewer employers opt to retain live-in domestic workers. Unlike Jureidini (2011), who mentions that domestic workers in constant contact with their employers are often on the receiving end of the employer’s frustrations, the participants in this study were not subjected to this.

Kubjana (2016) iterates that domestic workers have the right to safe and healthy working conditions, as well as protection from unjust employee practices. The findings in this study demonstrate that employees are free from any form of harm, whether physical or psychological. This differs from the view by Papadakaki et al. (2021), who mentioned that individuals who work in vulnerable positions, such as domestic workers, were often victims of abuse. Domestic workers are frequently abused in their work environment, and many times are even sexually assaulted. Sexual assault can be a common occurrence committed against domestic workers, especially because employers believe domestic workers will remain silent due to poor social networks, lack of unions, social isolation, economic vulnerability, and desperation for work (Papadakaki et al., 2021). Often, cases of sexual abuse occur because domestic workers have no alternative employment and need their wages. They also lack external protection despite regulations being in place (Da Figueiredo et al., 2016).

Overall, the domestic workers involved in this study reported feeling secure in their working environment, where they were not subjected to harm or theft, as corroborated by one individual who noted the existence of security measures. There was, however, a reference to being shouted at for making a mistake, but this was promptly rectified. There was no mention of any type of abuse, including being sworn at by an employer.

Cohen and Moodley (2012) indicated that labour laws and decent work conditions have not been applied to the marginalised informal sector; nevertheless, the findings of this study imply a different conclusion. While only two domestic workers were affiliated with a union, the domestic workers in general did engage in social dialogue with their employers on labour and work-related matters.

These findings can be compared with a study by Thobajane and Khoza (2019), which found that domestic workers’ work-related experiences can improve when they have the freedom to openly express themselves with their employers. The findings of this study indicated that domestic workers felt safe expressing themselves when discussing difficulties and challenges they face with their employers. The employers were open and supportive during social dialogue and provided a safe space for domestic workers to communicate.

Ludwig and Webster (2020) concurred that participating in social dialogue is an important indicator of attaining decent work. It allows employees’ voices to be strengthened, heard, and acknowledged. This exhibits a difference compared to the study of Maqubela (2016), in which domestic workers were scared and embarrassed to discuss work-related issues with their employers out of fear of losing their jobs.

Marais and Van Wyk (2019) shared similar concerns about domestic workers’ reluctance to speak up for themselves out of fear of being fired. In contrast, participants in this study reported ease in communicating with their employers and resolved any troubles expeditiously. The domestic workers in this study also expressed being able to depend on their employers and speak easily with them as part of social dialogue.

This study provides a practical contribution to understanding the positive experiences associated with decent work of domestic workers in Gauteng. The findings of this study challenge previous beliefs that the experiences of decent work in the domestic work sector are not met, as the domestic workers interviewed generally expressed satisfaction with their working conditions. The study’s findings confirm a possible shift in the informal domestic labour sector in which various attributes of decent work are currently being experienced by domestic workers. This study provides evidence of experiences related to decent work in the informal domestic work sector, particularly concerning adequate compensation, access to health care, safe work environments, social dialogue, and rest time. These findings make a theoretical contribution to the body of knowledge on the current experiences of decent work in South Africa’s informal domestic employment sector, specifically in the Gauteng region. New insights were gained from implementing a phenomenological thematic methodological approach. Despite the participants’ brief and to-the-point responses to the survey questions, they provided an accurate representation of current work-related experiences of domestic workers (Squires et al., 2019).

The study consisted of only 11 participants from Gauteng in the field of domestic work. Therefore, generalisations from the findings cannot be linked to different geographical locations or professions. Due to the participants being a homogenous group, there are narrower generalisations that can be made in relation to other groups. The participants in this study comprised only African females, which also does not allow for generalisation of the findings to other racial groups and males. A quantitative study can be done on a large scale on South African marginalised employees of different races and genders. This may assist in determining whether other South African groups share the same view on their experiences of decent work for domestic workers. The study can also include participants from different provinces across South Africa. Due to the language barrier and the domestic workers’ first language not being English, this limited the depth of answers given by domestic workers. However, this was expected as Squires et al. (2019) mention that while the participants’ answers were short, they still yielded results that provided an accurate depiction of decent work experiences of domestic workers. Answers were short because the participant’s primary language was not English, which makes it challenging to provide lengthy, in-depth answers. Future studies can be conducted with a translator present for domestic workers in poorer areas or in non-English speaking areas. Due to the high level of unemployment in South Africa and the uncertainty and insecurity surrounding employment, the participants in this study provided mainly positive experiences. This could be out of fear of losing their jobs despite assurances that their confidentiality would be maintained.

Decent work conditions could differ across industries and work sectors, as well as between developed and developing countries. Hence, future research could investigate how the formal and informal industries’ achievement of decent work differs across developed and developing nations.